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Ubaid Uruk Period Early Dynastic Akkadian Empire Ur III · Neo-Sumerian Old Babylonian Old Assyrian Middle Babylonian Middle Assyrian Neo-Assyrian Neo-Babylonian

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Editorial Sumerian literature Sumerian royal Assyrian royal Assyrian archives

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Page 45 / 55

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 044

Esarhaddon presents himself as ritual custodian of the great temples — confirming sattukku offerings and restoring cult centers — placing religious legitimacy at the heart of neo-Assyrian royal ideology, ca. 675 BCE.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-Assyrian

Achaemenid Persian

RINAP 4

Esarhaddon 045

Preserves fragments of Esarhaddon's self-presentation as a ritually assiduous king — purification priests, lamentation singers, and cultic offerings at a quayside — illuminating how Assyrian royal ideology fused military and temple-cult legitimacy.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 046

Survives only in fragments, yet adds one manuscript witness to the corpus of Esarhaddon's royal titulary, helping scholars reconstruct how this king broadcast his legitimacy across the Assyrian heartland.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 047

Preserves Esarhaddon's sevenfold titulary — king, governor, shepherd, dynastic heir — the formulaic language through which Assyrian kings simultaneously claimed Babylonian legitimacy and descent from Aššur's oldest royal line.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 049

Attests Esarhaddon's claim to legitimacy through piety — rebuilding Esagil, restoring Babylon's cult offerings, and observing festival calendars — framing conquest as divine mandate rather than imperial ambition.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 050

Preserves fragmentary titulary of Esarhaddon equating the king with Enlil and the solar deity — stock epithets that grounded Assyrian royal ideology in cosmic, not merely political, authority.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 051

Esarhaddon records refurbishing divine statues in Ešarra with Arallu gold and jewels approved by Marduk and Zarpanītu — concrete evidence of how Assyrian kings staged ritual renewal of cult images to legitimise royal piety.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 052

Records Esarhaddon's restoration of the Babylonian gods and their cult statues to Babylon ca. 675 BCE, detailing the ritual 'washing of the mouth' and 'opening of the mouth' ceremonies performed to reactivate the divine images.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 053

Records Esarhaddon's formal dedication of his son Šamaš-šuma-ukīn to Marduk and Zarpanītu, with ritual offerings — a rare first-person account of the succession arrangement that would later split the empire between two brothers.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 054

Records Esarhaddon imposing ritual provisions — honey, groats, and chufa — on the city Kār-Esarhaddon, linking royal foundation ideology to the material upkeep of Aššur and Mullissu's cult.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 055

Attests Esarhaddon's program of cultic restoration — linking his legitimacy as 'true shepherd' to the repair of akītu-house imagery, a propagandistic equation of piety with royal right to rule.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 056

Attests Esarhaddon's claim to piety through his devotion to Eḫulḫul, the temple of the moon-god Sîn at Harran — a sanctuary whose restoration was central to his dynastic legitimacy.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 057

Esarhaddon frames his rule through divine appointment by Enlil and Aššur across two generations, encoding a father-to-son legitimacy chain that justifies his contested succession after Sennacherib's assassination.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 060

Catalogs Esarhaddon's conquests from Cilicia to Dilmun in a single inscription — Cimmerian defeat, the beheading of Sidon's king, and the first Assyrian tribute levy on Dilmun attested in royal records.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRIAo

Esarhaddon 075

Esarhaddon's self-presentation as restorer of Esagil and Babylon documents the ideological rehabilitation of Babylonian cult after Sennacherib's destruction of the city in 689 BCE.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 077

Claims Esarhaddon restored Esagil and returned gods exiled to Assyria — royal propaganda justifying his Babylonian kingship by casting conquest as pious reconstruction.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 078

Claims Esarhaddon restored Esagil and returned gods exiled to Assyria — key royal-propaganda evidence for his deliberate reversal of Sennacherib's destruction of Babylon.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 088

Royal titulary anchoring Esarhaddon's legitimacy through three generations of Sargonid kings — evidence of how Neo-Assyrian rulers used genealogical inscription to consolidate dynastic authority.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 096

Documents Esarhaddon's construction of a palace at Tarbiṣu, a royal suburb north of Nineveh, attesting the city's role as an administrative satellite within the Assyrian imperial heartland.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 099

Attests Esarhaddon's dual titulature as both 'king of Assyria' and 'governor of Babylon,' reflecting his policy of reconciliation with the city his father Sennacherib had destroyed in 689 BCE.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 100

Esarhaddon's royal titulature anchors his reign within a legitimating genealogy stretching from Adasi through Sargon II to Sennacherib, while the blazing-flame simile shows the martial rhetoric woven into Assyrian monumental self-presentation ca. 675 BCE.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1004

Attests Esarhaddon's restoration of Esagil and resettlement of Babylon — his politically charged reversal of his father Sennacherib's destruction of the city, here cast in the idiom of pious royal benefaction.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1005

Attests Esarhaddon's claim to dual sovereignty as king of Assyria and governor of Babylon, while recording his restoration of Emašmaš — the temple of Ištar at Nineveh — as an act of filial and divine legitimation.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1007

Preserves Esarhaddon's claim to have uprooted Kushite power from Egypt (~671 BCE) and reset the region under Assyrian-appointed rulers — direct royal testimony to the conquest that briefly made Assyria an African as well as Asian empire.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 101

Esarhaddon's self-presentation as chosen simultaneously by Aššur, Nabû, Marduk, Sîn, Anu, and Ištar reflects his calculated effort to legitimise rule across both Assyrian and Babylonian religious traditions after his controversial succession.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1010

Esarhaddon claims to have restored 60,000 sheep and goats — sacred herds of Ištar and Nanāya scattered under Sargon II — to Uruk, documenting Assyrian kings' use of temple-livestock restitution as a tool of southern Babylonian legitimation.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1011

Preserves Esarhaddon's self-presentation as divinely sanctioned restorer — reversing capital sentences, returning plunder, and resettling displaced populations — within a hymnic frame that fuses royal law and divine mythology.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1012

Attests Esarhaddon's intervention in Urarṭu and his installation of a throne-claimant whose name ends in -šuma-iškun, fragmentary evidence for Assyrian proxy rule on its northern frontier ca. 675 BCE.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1013

Attests Esarhaddon's rebuilding of an akītu-house and assertion of dual kingship over Assyria and Babylon, linking cultic restoration to royal legitimacy in a period of deliberate reconciliation after his father Sennacherib's sack of Babylon.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1014

One of the preserved royal inscriptions of Esarhaddon (RINAP 4, Q003386), whose composite manuscript tradition helps reconstruct the rhetorical and titulary conventions of seventh-century Assyrian kingship.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1015

Attests Esarhaddon's direct, sealed communication with Šamaš — bypassing the diviner class — as the theological basis for his royal decisions, revealing how Sargonid kings legitimised authority through personal divine access.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1016

Esarhaddon records sealing a secret divination query in an envelope before consulting Šamaš and Adad — a rare first-person royal account of the procedural safeguards used to prevent diviners from tailoring omens to please the king.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1017

A fragmentary royal inscription of Esarhaddon (~675 BCE) preserving traces of a military muster and invocation of Ištar, adding a damaged but datable witness to Assyrian royal self-presentation.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1018

Preserves fragmentary traces of Esarhaddon invoking divine sanction from Aššur himself — attesting the theological grammar by which Neo-Assyrian kings legitimised their rule in royal inscriptions.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1019

Chronicles Esarhaddon's capture of Memphis (~671 BCE) — the only Assyrian royal inscription to record a reigning king's conquest of the Egyptian capital, marking the empire's greatest territorial reach.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 1020

Attests Esarhaddon's ideological program of rebuilding Babylon — destroyed by his father Sennacherib — by relocating the divine births of Bēl, Bēltīya, and Ea to Aššur, rewriting Babylonian theology in Assyrian terms.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 104

Esarhaddon frames his restoration of Babylon by cataloguing the bad omens that condemned a previous king — making this one of the clearest surviving examples of Assyrian rulers using omen-lore to legitimise regime change.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 109

Esarhaddon legitimises his reign by casting himself as the gods' chosen restorer of Babylonian shrines and avenger of Akkad — direct ideological response to his father Sennacherib's destruction of Babylon in 689 BCE.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 116

Esarhaddon's justification for Sennacherib's sack of Babylon: the Babylonians themselves broke divine law — selling Esagil's treasures to Elam — so the gods, not Assyria, destroyed the city.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 117

Attests Esarhaddon's claim to have restored neglected shrines and forgotten rites — part of his systematic effort to legitimate rule after his father Sennacherib's sack of Babylon.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 126

Attests Esarhaddon's restoration of Etemenanki, the great ziggurat of Babylon, framing reconstruction as personal piety toward Marduk — evidence of an Assyrian king actively courting Babylonian religious legitimacy.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 128

Attests Esarhaddon's devotion to Ištar of Nippur — here styled Queen-of-Nippur enthroned in Ebaradurgara — documenting Assyrian royal investment in a Babylonian cult centre during his post-conquest reconciliation policy.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 129

Dedicates a building project to Enlil 'whose command cannot be revoked,' pairing that theological formula with Esarhaddon's full titulary to show how Assyrian kings grounded imperial legitimacy in divine sanction.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 133

Dedicatory inscription to Ištar-of-Uruk in her Eanna temple: attests Esarhaddon's deliberate cultivation of the ancient Sumerian cult centre as a source of royal legitimacy seven centuries after Ur III.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 2003

Issued in the voice of Naqīʾa-Zakūtu, Esarhaddon's mother, this inscription is a rare case of an Assyrian queen mother publicly claiming a share of war spoils and directing conquered peoples to corvée labour in her own name.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 048

Opens with a seven-god invocation — Aššur through Šamaš — that maps the full Assyrian divine hierarchy, anchoring royal authority in cosmic order at the height of Esarhaddon's empire.

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 003

(i 1') [...] ... [...] they reared [...] they ordered him to his [...]ship [...] ... they went and (i 5') (No translation possible) (i 16') [... Nabû-zēr-kitti-lī]šir, [...] ... [...] ... heard [of the approach of] my campaign and fled like [a fox t]o the land Ela[m]. (i 20′) [Be]cause of the oath of the great gods [which] he had transgressed, the gods [Aš]šur, Sîn, Šamaš, B[ēl], and Nabû imposed a grievous [punishme]nt on him and they [ki]lled him with the sword [in the mi]dst of the land Elam. Naʾid-Marduk, his brother, (i 25′) saw [the] deeds that they had done [to] his brother in Elam,…

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 004

(i' 1') (No translation warranted) (i' 2') [Moreover, I struck with] the sword [Teušpa, a Cimmeri]an, [a barbarian whose home is remote, together with his entire army, in the territory of the land Ḫub]ušnu. (i' 5') [The one who treads on the necks of the people of Cili]cia, [mountain dwellers who live in inaccessible mountains in the neighborhood] of the land Tabal, [evil Hittites, who from earliest days had not been] submissive to the yoke — [I surrounded, conquered, plundered, demolished, destroy]ed, (and) burned with fire [twenty-one of their fortified cities and small cities in] their…

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 006

(i 1) [...] ... [... I cried out in] mourning, [I raged like a lion, and my] mood [became furio]us. [In order to exercise kingship (over) the house of my father I beat] my hands together. [I prayed to the gods Aššur, Sîn, Šamaš, Bēl, Nabû, and Nergal], Ištar of Nineveh, (and) [Ištar of Arbela and they accepted] my word(s). [With their firm ‘yes’], they were sending me [reliable omen(s), (saying): ‘Go! Do not hold back! We] will go and [kill your enemies].’ (i 9b') I did [not] hesitate [one day (or) two days. I did not wait for my army. I did not] look [for my rear guard. I did not check the…

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

~675 BCE·Neo-AssyrianRINAP 4

Esarhaddon 007

(i' 1') [and its army; I put] to the sword [Išpakāia], a Scythian, [an ally who could not save himself]. (i' 3') [I plundered the land Bīt-Dakkūri, which is in Chaldea, an] enemy of Babylon. [I captured Šamaš-ibni, its king, a rogue] (and) outlaw, (i′ 5′) [who did not respect the oath of the lord of lords, who took away fields of the citizens] of Babylon [and Borsippa by force and turned (them) over to] himself. [Because I know the fear of the gods Bēl and Nabû, I returned those fields and entrusted (them) to the citizens of Baby]lon [and Borsippa. I placed Nabû-šallim, son of Ba]lāssu, [on…

Writing & Literature·Religion & Myth

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